PRESS
RELEASES: 1998 | 1999
| 2000 | 2001
| 2002 | 2003
House TestimonyMMIMMMSenate Testimony
|
|
||
|
American Hellenic Institute Approved
by The American Hellenic Institute (AHI) AHI was founded in 1974 following Turkey's illegal invasion and occupation of 37.3% of Cyprus. It is a membership-based organization with members throughout the nation. AHI's core mission is to promote American values and the rule of law in U.S. foreign policy and to strengthen relations between the U.S. and Greece and Cyprus as being in the best interests of the United States. The AHI Public Affairs Committee (AHIPAC) conducts an active program with Congress in espousing and supporting legislation designed to promote American interests in Southeast Europe and the Eastern Mediterranean and is registered with the Congress under the Lobbying Act. The AHI Foundation is the first think-tank devoted exclusively to the study of the issues confronting the Greek American community. These organizations sponsor conferences, seminars and publish books and other materials on the issues. For More information please visit www.ahiworld.org. The Hellenic American National Council (HANC) The Hellenic American National Council (HANC) was established in 1992 to serve as an umbrella organization for the numerous Greek American federations and associations across the United States. HANC is a nonprofit, nonpartisan education and charitable organization devoted to honoring, protecting and preserving the Hellenic and American ideals. HANC is also dedicated to supporting the interests of the United States, Greece and Cyprus in the Eastern Mediterranean and Balkan regions. The
Hellenic American Women's Council (HAWC) The Cyprus Federation of America The Cyprus Federation of America was founded on April 12, 1951, in New York City in a spirit of brotherhood and benevolence by a group of early immigrants. The Cyprus Federation currently consists of twenty-five chapter members located throughout the United States. Its primary goal is to coordinate and promote the cultural, educational and social activities of the Cypriot American community and to foster the continued friendship between the peoples of Cyprus and the United States. Since 1974, following the Turkish invasion and occupation of Cyprus, the Federation has assumed a key role in keeping U.S. elected officials and the American public well informed of Cyprus' continuing tragedy. The Panepirotic Federation of America The Panepirotic Federation, which has 46 chapters throughout the United States, was founded in 1942 by Americans who trace their origins to Epiros, a region in the Balkans that has had a Greek identity since Homer's time. The northern half of Epiros was given to Albania when the country was created in 1913 on the pledge that the ethnic Greeks living there would enjoy full human and civil rights. Albania has ignored its international obligations and systematically persecuted members of the Greek minority. Since its inception, the Panepirotic Federation has struggled to draw attention to the plight of ethnic Greeks in Albania and secure for them equality and justice at long last. The Pan-Macedonian Association, Inc. The Pan-Macedonian Association was founded in 1947 with the goal of uniting all the Macedonian societies of the United States. It is a nationwide membership organization for Greek Americans whose origins are from Macedonia, Greece. The organization promotes the culture, language, history and traditions of Macedonia and Promotes charitable projects and works to benefit the region and its people. It strives to educate its members and the general public on various issues pertaining to Macedonia. The Pan-Cretan Association of America The Pan-Cretan Association of America is the oldest and one of the largest Greek American regional federations, founded in Chicago in 1929. Today, with more than 60 adult chapters and over 20 youth chapters around the USA, the PAA represents and promotes the interests of an estimated 100,000 Americans of Cretan ancestry. The purpose of the Association is to promote civic responsibility, education and philanthropic causes. It strives to preserve, promote and perpetuate the Cretan heritage, history, culture and values. You can visit the Pan-Cretans at www.pancretan.org. 2002 GREEK AMERICAN POLICY STATEMENTS The policies set forth herein are based in each case on the question of what is in the best interests of the United States. Section II Overview of Policy and Issues
Section III Legislative Priorities The September 11, 2001 horrific terrorist attack on the United States was, of course, the major event of 2001. The American Hellenic Institute (AHI) issued the following statement on September 12, 2001:
On September 13, 2001 AHI sent the following letter to President Bush:
However, we reject any comparison of the al Qaeda network's international terrorism aimed at the U.S. with the violence by both sides in the current Middle East conflict, which we deplore. These are two separate and distinct matters. To equate these two as the same is erroneous and harmful to our efforts to root out the al Qaeda's worldwide network of terrorists aimed at the U.S. A number of countries have tried to use the "war on terrorism" as justification for their human rights abuses. Turkey and its suppression of its twenty percent Kurdish minority, discussed later, is a prime example. Our letter to the President stressed the need for a parallel mission for "the promotion of American values of freedom, liberty, democracy, the rule of law, and human rights worldwide." The President has referred to American values in his address to the Congress and on other occasions. We believe, however, that much more emphasis on American values is needed to capture the hearts and minds of the world community in our war on international terrorism. Section
II 1. United States Interests in Southeast Europe and the Eastern Mediterranean The U.S. has important interests in Southeast Europe and the Eastern Mediterranean. To the North of Greece are the Balkans, Eastern Europe and Russia, to the East the Middle East and to the South are North Africa and the Suez Canal. Significant communication links for commerce and energy sources pass through the region. The U.S. has an important stake in fostering good relations between two NATO allies, Greece and Turkey.
In promoting a multilateral approach to diplomacy and foreign
policy, the U.S. should look to Greece as an immensely valuable
link in its region. With its close cultural, political and economic
ties to the Mediterranean countries, Western Europe, the Balkans,
Eastern Europe and the Middle East, Greece is an ideal partner
for the U.S. with regard to its diplomatic relations with countries
from this wider region. The policy themes advocated by AHI since its founding in 1974 and reiterated in successive Greek American Policy Statements regarding Southeastern Europe and the Eastern Mediterranean and their relation to U.S. interests and values are:
In 2002 the Greek American community's main policy objectives for furthering American regional interests are:
4. The Main Problems and Greek American Responses A detailed discussion of the issues facing the U.S. of particular concern to Greek Americans is set forth on AHI's web site at www.ahiworld.org. Thanks to Greek government initiatives since the summer of 1999, some progress on regional stability has been made, certain long-standing problems remain. The principal problems, which are caused by Turkey, are:
The maritime border between Greece and Turkey in the Aegean Sea has been delimited in a series of Treaties dating from 1923. However, Turkey, since its illegal invasion of Cyprus in 1974, has questioned this established boundary and raised claims against Greek territory. Greece does not accept Turkey's arbitrary claims and has urged Turkey to take any claims to the International Court of Justice (ICJ) for binding arbitration. Turkey has refused to submit its claims to the ICJ for such binding arbitration. At the time of the Imia islets crisis (January 30-31, 1996) the Clinton Administration failed to uphold international law and chose once again to apply a double standard to Turkey and appease Turkey by calling for the parties to take the issue to the ICJ. The delimitation of the Aegean continental shelf is the only outstanding legitimate issue to be settled between Greece and Turkey. Response: As the principal guardian of international law, as a signatory to the 1947 Paris Peace Treaty, and to foreclose the opening of maritime issues elsewhere in the world, the U.S. should publicly state that it accepts the demarcation of the maritime borders in the Aegean Sea as final and urge Turkey to take any claims it may have to the ICJ. The relevant international law, treaties and agreements regarding the Aegean maritime boundary are the Lausanne Treaty of 1923, the Italy-Turkey Convention of January 4, 1932, the Italy-Turkey Protocol of December 28, 1932, and the 1947 Paris Peace Treaty, under which the Dodecanese Islands and adjacent islets were ceded by Italy to Greece. The U.S. is a signatory to the 1947 Paris Peace Treaty and is obligated to carry out its provisions under U.S. law. Under these treaties and protocols there is no competent legal opinion that any territorial questions between Greece and Turkey remain open. The EU has made a settlement of Turkey's unilateral claims against sovereign Greek territory in the Aegean Sea a precondition for the start of EU accession negotiations with Turkey. U.S. policy should be brought into line with international law and EU policy in recognizing Greece's maritime borders in the Aegean as being settled in international law and in urging Turkey, if Turkey does not agree, to take such claims to the ICJ. U.S. interests would be well-served by disposing of this matter. A sensible step would be for the U.S. to recognize and uphold the aforementioned treaties and agreements and to repudiate any challenge to them, specifically by Turkey. We urge the Congress to pass H.Con.Res. 97, the Aegean Sea boundary bill introduced by Rep. Robert E. Andrews on April 4, 2001. There are currently 48 bipartisan co-sponsors on this resolution.
On July 20, 1974 Turkey invaded Cyprus with the illegal use of U.S.-supplied arms and equipment and occupied about four percent of Cyprus with the support of the then Secretary of State Henry Kissinger who (1) encouraged the invasion, (2) refused to denounce Turkey's aggression, and (3) refused to enforce U.S. laws which required the immediate halt in U.S. arms to Turkey. On August 14, 1974, three weeks after the legitimate government of Cyprus was restored, Turkey launched a massive attack, the second phase of its aggression against Cyprus, again with the encouragement of Secretary Kissinger who issued a statement on August 13, 1974 that the Turkish Cypriots needed more security. Kissinger failed to denounce the second phase of Turkey's aggression and failed to uphold U.S. laws requiring a halt in arms to Turkey. In the second phase of the aggression, Turkey grabbed another 33 percent amounting to a total of 37.3 percent of Cyprus' territory. Turkey's invasion of Cyprus violated U.S. laws, the UN Charter, the NATO Treaty, and customary international law. The occupation continues to date despite universal international condemnation. Talks have been held under UN auspices to reach a settlement based on a 'bizonal, bicommunal federation' in a sovereign state. This solution has been adopted by the international community and supported by the U.S. but is rejected by Turkey and the Turkish Cypriot leader, Mr. Rauf Denktash. The Cyprus problem has reached another turning point. Continued progress by Cyprus in its accession negotiations with the EU indicates that Cyprus is the frontrunner for accession in the next round. Cyprus is already in substantial compliance with EU conditions. Further the EU has stipulated that reaching a settlement of the Cyprus problem is a key requirement for Turkey's accession prospects. At its December 10-11, 1999 Helsinki Summit and reaffirmed at the Nice Summit of December 8-10, 2000, the EU stated that a resolution of the Cyprus problem is not a precondition for Cyprus' accession to the EU. Cyprus' accession to the EU would confer economic, political, social, and cultural benefits to the whole island. On April 15, 2002, the EU urged Turkey to support the direct talks between Cyprus President Glafcos Clerides and Turkish Cypriot leader Rauf Denktash to solve the Cyprus problem. The EU also confirmed the European Council 1999 Helsinki summit conclusions, which said a Cyprus settlement would not be a precondition for the island's accession to the bloc. To date, successive rounds of proximity talks under UN and G8 auspices have made little progress. Efforts to hold substantive discussions in 2001 were thwarted by unproductive and unacceptable "recognition" demands by Mr. Denktash, supported by Turkey. In contrast, the Cyprus government has actively engaged in the search for a settlement, as evidenced by Cyprus' constructive participation in UN sponsored proximity talks. Direct talks between President Glafcos Clerides and Mr. Rauf Denktash resumed in 2002 because of Secretary of State Colin Powell's efforts. Progress to date has been minimal, though talks are still underway with a June 2002 deadline tentatively set as the benchmark date for agreement between both parties. In remarks on April 11, 2002, Ambassador Thomas Weston, U.S. Special Coordinator for Cyprus, stated that while moves of flexibility on areas of key concern for Turkish Cypriots had been made by President Clerides, "we have not seen any moves or signs of flexibility on the areas of key concern to the Greek Cypriot side and in areas of concern that we believe have to be addressed if there is to be a settlement." Response: For Greek Americans, the Cyprus problem is fundamentally a question of illegal invasion and occupation by Turkish armed forces with the illegal use of American-supplied arms and equipment. AHI supports a settlement of the Cyprus problem based on a constitutional democracy embracing the key American principles of "majority rule, the rule of law, and the protection of minority rights" as called for by then Vice-President George H.W. Bush in 1988, and upholding the "fundamental principles of human rights and democratic norms and practices" as called for in the 1992 campaign statement of then Governor Clinton. The Bush Administration should make clear that the current talks should be aimed at achieving a settlement based on a bizonal, bicommunal federation in a sovereign state, incorporating the norms of constitutional democracy and UN resolutions. If the talks fail because of the bad faith tactics of the Turkish Cypriot representative, Turkey must be held responsible and such conduct should be deemed inconsistent with the EU accession conditions for Turkey and harmful to U.S. interests. The U.S. should apply economic, political and diplomatic pressure on Turkey to achieve a settlement. The continuing progress in Cyprus' accession negotiations with the EU and the EU confirmation that a solution of the Cyprus problem is not a precondition for EU accession presents a favorable opportunity to make progress on the Cyprus problem. The continuation of the Cyprus problem is an affront to international law and to U.S. values, as well as a threat to regional stability. The U.S. should support and intensify the direct talks to reach a fair settlement based on democratic principles, the acquis communautaire, all the UN resolutions on Cyprus, and the pertinent decisions of the European Court of Human Rights that respect the rights of all Cypriots, and which does not reward aggression and accords with normal constitutional principles. To avoid misunderstanding, it would be sound policy for the U.S. to recognize publicly that the Cyprus government has contributed its full range of constructive proposals to the talks and that no further concessions are to be expected. We condemn Turkey's attempts to hinder these negotiations, and further condemn the Turkish threat of annexation of the occupied part of Cyprus by Turkey if Cyprus becomes an EU member. Such actions, which the international community views as an attempt to dismember Cyprus, were condemned as illegal and invalid by the UN Security Council resolution SCR 541 (1983) of November 18, 1983. SCR 550 (1984) of May 11, 1984, called upon all states to refrain from recognizing the occupied areas and from assisting or facilitating them in any way. The Cyprus government has long advocated the demilitarization of the island. We support this and believe that a NATO force on Cyprus under UN auspices and acting in full respect of Cyprus' sovereignty could act as a useful component of a settlement of the Cyprus problem. The Cyprus problem is the central issue of U.S.-Cyprus relations but it is not the only component of the relationship. We suggest that the Administration should increase efforts to deepen its relations with Cyprus by ensuring regular visits to Cyprus by senior officials not concerned with the Cyprus problem. We call upon the U.S. to continue its support for Cyprus' accession to the EU and to insist that Turkey cease all efforts to interfere with this process.
International and National Terrorist State Prior to the horrific acts of September 11, aggression by nation states had been the main form of international terrorism -- Iraq's aggression against Kuwait, Turkey's aggression against Cyprus in 1974, and in World War II, Nazi Germany's aggression against several countries and Japan against the U.S. and China in which innocent civilians were killed and brutalized. President Bush referred to September 11 in his remarks on December 6, 2001, the 50th anniversary of Japan's sneak attack on Pearl Harbor. Turkey's aggression against Cyprus in 1974 with the illegal use of U.S. arms including airplanes, bombs and tanks was international terrorism. Turkish pilots flying American planes dropped American-made bombs, including napalm bombs, which terrorized and killed innocent Greek Cypriot civilians in Nicosia, Famagusta, Kyrenia and elsewhere. There is no legal distinction between Iraq's aggression against Kuwait and Turkey's aggression against Cyprus. Turkey's state-sponsored terrorism internally against its twenty percent Kurdish minority and externally against the northern Iraq Kurds is well-documented by several international organizations, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, the annual State Department Country Reports on Turkey and others. Former Ambassador to Turkey, Eric Rouleau, documents infra the massive killings of Kurds which makes the terrible violence in the Israeli Palestinian struggle look like a picnic. It is also well-documented that since 1984, the Turkish military in its scorched earth policy destroyed over 3,000 Kurdish villages, creating over 2,500,000 Kurdish refugees. Over ninety percent, if not more, of the Kurdish victims of the Turkish military's genocidal actions have been innocent Kurdish civilians. Cyprus Turkey's involvement in Cyprus has violated every sense of the rule of law. Turkey's illegal invasion of Cyprus in July 20, 1974, with the illegal use of American supplied arms, in which it seized about four percent of Cyprus' territory, and its renewed aggression on August 14-16, 1974, in which it occupied an additional 33 percent of Cyprus, violated U.S. laws, the UN Charter, and the NATO Treaty. It should be noted that the renewed aggression on August 11-16, 1974 occurred after the legitimate government of Cyprus had been restored on July 23, 1974. Turkey's actions constitute war crimes. Turkey contributes some $350 million annually in direct economic support to the regime in the occupied parts of Cyprus, which regime has been declared illegal by the UN, the U.S., other countries and court decisions. It is estimated that the total cost to Turkey of its illegal occupation in Cyprus is one billion dollars annually. Further, its continued unilateral claims against Greek sovereign territory in the Aegean inhibit the rapprochement process with Greece and severely impact its relations with the EU. "Turkey's Dream of Democracy" Turkey's position on the Cyprus issue and its arbitrary claims over the Aegean Sea are impeding Turkey's democratization. Turkey is in a state of transition, facing crucial issues that remain open, in particular the status of the Turkish military, which controls foreign affairs and national security matters and has a dominating influence on domestic affairs. After the EU granted Turkey provisional candidate status, Turkey faces the imperative of massive reforms in its government, social, judicial and economic institutions. Three key EU requirements are settlement of the Cyprus and human rights issues and Turkey's arbitrary claims regarding the Aegean. We are particularly concerned about past U.S. tolerance for the dominant military influence over the Turkish government. We believe that rigid views among the military have severely impeded progress on these matters. This lack of progress is not only damaging to the U.S. interest in regional stability but also damages Turkey's international relations, economic interests and the citizens of Turkey. The transformation of Turkey into a stable, fully democratic nation is in the interests of Turkey's neighbors, including Greece and Cyprus, of the U.S. and particularly for the people of Turkey. At present it is by no means certain that Turkey will complete this desirable process quickly, or at all. Ambassador Rouleau, expressed this well in his Foreign Affairs (November/December 2000 issue) article, "Turkey's Dream of Democracy," when he wrote that one of the great challenges facing Turkish reformers was "to convince the Turkish military to relinquish its hold on the jugular of the modern Turkish state." (p.102) Ambassador Rouleau discusses Article 118 of the Turkish constitution "which establishes the National Security Council (NSC), a kind of shadow government through which the [military] can impose their will on parliament and the government." (p. 105) He describes "Mercantile Militarism" under which the Turkish military draws up its own budget, controls substantial industries through OYAK, "a vast conglomerate comprising some 30 enterprises" and an arms production company, TSKGV, which also "comprises some 30 companies and generates tens of thousands of jobs. More than 80 percent of its revenues go into a reserve fund estimated to reach tens of billions of dollars." (pp. 109-110) OYAK and TSKGV are very profitable and for a "good reason" as Rouleau puts it, they are "exempt from duties and taxes" (p. 109), a unique form of military corruption. Kurds Ambassador Rouleau also details the massive killings of Kurds by the Turkish military. He writes:
Ambassador Rouleau's 14-page article should be required reading for anyone dealing with policy toward Turkey. The facts about Turkey's violations of human rights are set out in numerous reports, including the November 1999 report "Arming Repression: U.S. Arms Sales to Turkey During the Clinton Administration" produced jointly by the World Policy Institute and the Federation of American Scientists. Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and successive State Department Country Reports on Turkey have stated that "extrajudicial killings, including deaths in detention from excessive use of force, 'mystery killings,' and disappearances continued. Torture remained widespread." There are thousands of Kurdish political prisoners in Turkish jails. Dozens of journalists have been assassinated and many others are in jail. Reports by the State Department, World Policy Institute and the Federation of American Scientists, Human Rights Watch, and Amnesty International have highlighted Turkey's use of U.S. weapons in committing human rights violations against the Kurds. These actions form part of the pattern inhibiting Turkey's democratization process. The U.S. should support policies, including an arms embargo and economic sanctions, which provide incentives for reform to Turkey. Arms Sales and Transfers Any review of U.S. policy toward Turkey must address arms sales. The supplying of arms by the U.S. to Turkey has made the U.S. an accessory to Turkey's ethnic cleansing, crimes against humanity and genocide against the Kurds. Despite the end of the Cold War, Southeast Europe and the Eastern Mediterranean remain excessively and dangerously armed. This is highly disadvantageous to regional economic development and the rational allocation of resources. This is a concern especially for Turkey, as evidenced by the IMF/World Bank multi-billion dollar rescue packages for emergency economic assistance to Turkey in December 2000, April 2001 and February 2002. Turkey is already the most highly militarized country in NATO. This is damaging both politically and economically in that it entrenches military control in Turkey and drains away resources that should be applied to economic reform. Turkey's excessive military inventory, presently far beyond its legitimate defense needs, already threatens the regional balance. A cessation of new supplies will reduce tensions and remove the cause of the regional arms race. A cessation will also remove a substantial financial drain on the beleaguered Turkish economy. Lack of Religious Freedom Turkey does not allow religious freedom. Its actions against the Ecumenical Patriarchate and the illegal closing of the Halki Patriarchal School of Theology demonstrate an anti-Christian bias. Response: We believe that a critical review of U.S.-Turkey relations is long overdue by the Executive Branch and Congress. This review should include Turkey's undemocratic constitution under which the military controls foreign and national security policy as well as strongly influencing domestic policy. By adhering to unacceptable policies over the Aegean and Cyprus, and by its widely documented human rights abuses, Turkey chronically finds itself at odds with the EU, the U.S. and the wider international community. It thus pays a political and economic price that far outweighs any concrete gains to Turkey. Past U.S. policy toward Turkey has not focused sufficiently clearly on these costs to Turkey. We urge the Bush Administration to review this policy so that it can engage Turkey on the Cyprus and human rights issues and its arbitrary claims in the Aegean to bring about their early resolution. The Bush Administration and Congress should not adopt policies that hinder the fostering and promotion of Turkey's democratization and substantive human rights improvements. If necessary, the U.S. should be prepared to link economic assistance to Turkey from the IMF/World Bank with the settlement of the Cyprus issue, significant improvements in Turkey's human rights record, and removal of its arbitrary Aegean claims. No arms sales or transfers to Turkey should be allowed. No U.S. economic aid should be allowed and economic sanctions and the withdrawal of economic benefits such as textile quotas should be considered if Turkey does not cooperate. As long as Turkey continues to be the major obstacle to a peaceful resolution of these matters, we will oppose any sale of U.S. weapons to Turkey, including Bell-Textron Cobra attack helicopters, as contrary to the best interests of the U.S. We believe such sales jeopardize the balance of military power between Greece and Turkey and threaten regional stability. Arms sales to Turkey are not in the interests of the U.S. or the people of Turkey. We support the reintroduction of "The Code of Conduct on Arms Transfers Act" in the 107th Congress. This legislation would condition arms exports on minimum standards of conduct, basic respect for human rights, non-aggression, democratic form of governance, and participation in the UN Register of Conventional Arms. The Administration and Congress must consider the impact on our war on international terrorism of the U.S.'s double standard on Turkey's international state terrorism against Cyprus. A critical review of U.S.-Turkey relations should include:
We cite the following actions, among others, by Turkey that illustrate Turkey's unreliability as an ally and as reasons for such a critical review:
Baku-Ceyhan Proposed Oil Pipeline One factor in American policy and attitude towards Turkey is the proposed Baku-Ceyhan pipeline to bring oil from the Caspian Sea Basin to the West that was initiated by Leon Fuerth, Vice President Gore's national security advisor. The proposed Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan oil pipeline is not economically viable as a commercial venture. It would also have to cross a mountainous earthquake zone and an area of political instability. If it is ever built, which is still an open question, it will not be because it offers the best route to bring Caspian oil to the market but at the unrecoupable cost of enormous government subsidies from the U.S. and Western lending institutions. For these reasons, not a single major American oil company is willing to underwrite even a portion of the project, despite years of State Department lobbying. According to Stanley Kober of the Cato Institute, "the pipeline, far from promoting U.S. interests in the region, undermines them. The U.S. government should heed its own rhetoric and let the market determine the pipeline route" ("The Great Game, Round 2: Washington's Misguided Support for the Baku-Ceyhan Oil Pipeline", Cato Foreign Policy Briefing No. 63, October 31, 2000). The U.S. should carefully weigh all alternatives to the Baku-Ceyhan pipeline, including cooperation with Russia. We should build on our new and close working relationship with Russia, stemming from September 11, by publicly stating we do not support the Baku-Ceyhan pipeline because (1) it is commercially uneconomic and (2) it is politically harmful as an anti-Russian project. Most of the U.S. policies regarding Turkey were based on the Cold War struggle with the USSR. Those days were over a decade ago, yet the U.S. continues these policies instead of pursuing more efforts to build a solid relationship with Russia, an increasingly important country for U.S. interests in the Eurasian region and globally. Compensation by Turkey to Victims of its Actions We cite the compensation paid by the government of Germany to holocaust victims and to the state of Israel and by the government of Japan to victims of its actions in Asia before and during World War II. We call for compensation from the government of Turkey:
To date, Turkey has failed to honor the judgement against it by the European Court of Human Rights in the Titina Loizidou case in connection with property rights violated by Turkey during its illegal invasion of Cyprus in 1974 and its continuing occupation.
Religious freedom is a basic human right. This right is not enjoyed by Orthodox Christians in Turkey as evidenced by the chronic persecution of this minority, the harassment of the Ecumenical Patriarch and attacks on the Patriarchate in Istanbul. We call on Turkey to stop the desecration of Orthodox Christian cemeteries in Istanbul, lift the restrictions imposed on the Saint Nicholas festival, a saint worshipped by Christians throughout the world, and permit non-Turkish citizens to work at the Patriarchate. We condemn the illegal closing by the Turkey in 1971 of the Halki Patriarchal School of Theology in violation of Turkey's obligations under the UN Charter and other international agreements. We call for its immediate reopening. Section 2804 of the 1999 Appropriations Bill, passed on October 22, 1998, states that:
The Patriarchate issue was introduced at AHIPAC's initiative in the 104th Congress by H.Con.Res. 50. The issue was carried forward in the 105th Congress by H.Con.Res. 6. Congressman Mike Bilirakis (R-FL) introduced both with numerous co-sponsors and led the successful effort to incorporate the language of H.Con.Res. 50 as Section 2804 of the 1999 Appropriations Bill passed into law on October 28, 1998. U.S. policy should support this legislation and ensure that the actions called for in the law are implemented. In light of Greek-Turkish rapprochement efforts and Turkey's candidacy for EU accession, it would only seem reasonable for Turkey to reopen the Halki Patriarchal School of Theology.
We continue to be concerned about the threat to the Greek Orthodox community in Southern Albania (also known as Northern Epirus) by denying and restricting the full legal, educational (including Greek language instruction), religious, voting and employment rights guaranteed to the minority by international agreements signed by Albania. We continue to be concerned about the personal security of the Greek minority population which is regularly victimized through kidnapping and ransom demands. The Greek minority in Albania, which was brutally persecuted by the communist dictatorship that ruled the country for almost half a century, thought their ordeal would end once communism collapsed. But the succeeding governments have continued the oppressive policies of the past and have pursued them so relentlessly that they threaten the very existence of the Greek minority in the country. Over the past decade all ethnic Greeks have been removed from positions of power in the armed forces, the police, the judiciary, and public administration -- something not even the communists tried to do. In addition, Tirana has redistricted administrative and voting regions to prevent ethnic Greeks from exerting any form of political power where they dominate. When an ethnic Greek appeared likely to be elected mayor in the town of Chimara during the 2000 local elections, for example, the ruling Socialist government resorted to acts of outright fraud, as documented by international observers, to insure his defeat. These acts of discrimination and persecution constitute subtle ethnic cleansing and are aimed at making ethnic Greeks in the country feel isolated, powerless and vulnerable so that they will abandon their homes and move south to Greece. In the spring of 2001, Tirana launched a campaign to disenfranchise all ethnic and religious minorities in the country by pretending they no longer exist. In the first national census to be held in the country in 60 years, the government decided to issue questionnaires that did not measure religious or ethnic affiliation in clear contrast to what Tirana demanded and received for Albanian minorities in neighboring countries. For example, in the census taken in FYROM in 1994 Albania insisted that questions regarding ethnic identity and religious affiliation be included and they were as a result of strong support from the international community. In its census Albania denied its minorities the same opportunity to be counted offered to Albanians in FYROM. The EU condemned Tirana's failure to measure its minorities and gave Albania two years to find a way to take an accurate count of them. "For us ethnic Greeks, who have lived in the area since Homer's time, the failure to be counted will mean the end of our existence as a community," Vangelis Doules, the president of OMONIA, the civil rights group that represents ethnic Greeks in Albania, wrote the State Department. "For we know very well that the reason Albanian leaders do not want any measure of our number to be taken is so that they…can claim that most ethnic Greeks have left the country, something they have started to say already and don't want an actual count to refute." We call on the U.S. government, in its own interest and the interest of maintaining peace and stability in the southern Balkans, to undertake an intense diplomatic dialogue with the government of Albania to ensure that the issues of the rule of law and minority and human rights cited above are resolved. It is extremely urgent for the U.S. to make it clear to Tirana that it must treat its own minorities fairly and it must begin that effort by giving them the right to declare their ethnic and religious affiliation.
Classical Macedonia's Hellenic Heritage is well documented by archaeological evidence and the writings of internationally known historians. Since antiquity, the name Macedonia has referred to a geographic region and not to a specific nationality. We call on the U.S. to strongly support a name for this Former Yugoslav Republic which does not include the word "Macedonia."
The Greek American community enjoys long-standing contacts with the Armenian community and Church in the U.S. We support the Armenian community's efforts on the Humanitarian Aid Corridor Act, passed as part of the 1997 Foreign Aid Bill, which calls for a halt to U.S. assistance to any country blocking U.S. aid to another country. The Turkish blockage of aid to Armenia includes U.S. humanitarian and pharmaceutical aid. We deplore the previous Administration's waiver of that Act for Turkey. It is in the interests of the U.S. to recognize the 1915 Armenian genocide on the lines of H.Con.Res.56.
Under pressure from the U.S. government, NATO has applied a double standard to Turkey on the rule of law. NATO's toleration of Turkey's aggression against Cyprus in violation of its own Treaty and the UN Charter is a stain on NATO's record and honor. NATO should call for the immediate removal of Turkey's illegal occupation forces and settlers from Cyprus and the demilitarization of Cyprus coupled with a NATO military force under UN auspices to augment the UN peacekeeping force as a component of a settlement of the Cyprus problem. If Turkey refuses to cooperate, NATO should consider appropriate action to bring Turkey into compliance. Turkey's invasion and occupation of Cyprus are a continuing violation of the NATO Treaty. On January 21, 1998, Turkey's banning of the Welfare Party was called "strong-arming" by the Washington Post which described Turkey's membership in NATO as an "embarrassing anomaly." The implication is that if Turkey were seeking to join NATO today, it would not be eligible. We call on the U.S. to encourage NATO members to apply pressure to Turkey to abide by the clear and unambiguous requirements of the NATO Treaty to desist from aggression against other states and to reform the constitution of Turkey to reflect normal Western standards of civilian democracy. 6. A New Approach Needed by the Bush Administration For the Bush Administration to advance U.S. interests in Southeast Europe and the Eastern Mediterranean, a new approach is needed. This should be aimed at making the most of the regional opportunities for progress. The principal requirement for the U.S. is to expand and deepen its relationships with Greece and Cyprus. Both are vigorous and stable democracies with rapidly modernizing economies. Both are strategically important to U.S. interests. They are a source of regional political leadership, democracy building, economic investment, and commercial expertise. Greece is the only Balkan and Eastern Mediterranean country that is a member of the EU, NATO and the EMU. Cyprus' stature as a regional center of international business and finance continues to grow. Its accession negotiations with the EU, which started substantively on November 10, 1998, are progressing smoothly. At its December 1999 Helsinki summit the EU committed itself to admitting Cyprus irrespective of a settlement of the Cyprus problem. Of the current applicant countries, Cyprus is the only one from the current candidate countries that meets all criteria for EU membership. By basing its policies in Southeastern Europe on close ties with Greece and Cyprus, the U.S. could materially advance its interests in promoting regional stability, economic development, and democracy building. U.S. policy toward Turkey needs significant change. Turkey has not yet participated fully in the opportunities presented in the region. Its economy remains problematic and its response to international calls, for example from the EU, for governmental and human rights reforms have been insignificant. It continues to attract international criticism for human rights violations, for the military's control of all important matters of state and for what is widely perceived as intransigence over the Cyprus issue and its arbitrary and unsubstantiated claims over the Aegean. It is in both the U.S. interest and in Turkey's interest for Turkey to reach an early settlement of these matters and to embrace the need for reform enthusiastically and without reservation. Past U.S. policy has not had this effect and needs to be changed. Section
III To give legislative effect to the above matters we will work with the Congress:
Summary of Current Legislation H.Con.Res. 164 Expresses the sense of Congress that security, reconciliation, and prosperity for all Cypriots can be best achieved within the context of membership in the EU which will provide significant rights and obligations for all Cypriots. Introduced by Rep. Michael Bilirakis (R-FL) on June 19, 2001. Current status: Referred to the House International Relations Subcommittee on Europe on August 8, 2001. There are currently 78 co-sponsors on this resolution. H.Con.Res. 97 Expresses the sense of Congress regarding Turkey's claims of sovereignty over islands and islets in the Aegean Sea. It is the sense of the Congress that -- (1) the water boundaries established in the 1923 Lausanne Treaty of Peace, the 1932 Convention and Protocol Between Italy and Turkey, and the 1947 Paris Treaty of Peace, under which the Dodecanese islands and adjacent islets were ceded by Italy to Greece, are the borders between Greece and Turkey in the Aegean Sea; and (2) any party, including Turkey, objecting to these established boundaries should seek redress in the International Court of Justice at The Hague. Introduced by Robert E. Andrews (D-NJ) on April 4, 2001. Current status: Referred to the House International Relations Subcommittee on Europe on May 21, 2001. There are currently 48 co-sponsors on this resolution. H.Con.Res. 345 Expresses the sense of the Congress that the Orthodox Theological School of Halki in the Republic of Turkey must be reopened in order to promote religious freedom. The United States should use its influence with the Government of Turkey and as a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council to suggest that the Turkish Government--
Further, the President should report to Congress on the status and progress of the aforementioned concerns on an annual basis. Introduced by Rep. Michael Bilirakis (R-FL) on March 12, 2002. Current status: Referred to the House Committee on International Relations on March 12, 2002. There are currently 20 co-sponsors on this resolution. H.Con.Res. 269 and S.Con.Res. 28 H.Con.Res. 269 calls for a United States effort to end restrictions on the freedoms and human rights of the enclaved people in the occupied area of Cyprus. It was resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate concurring), that Congress-- (1) strongly urges the President to undertake efforts to end restrictions on the freedoms and human rights of the enclaved people of Cyprus; and (2) expresses its intention to remain actively interested in the matter until the human rights and fundamental freedoms of the enclaved people of Cyprus are restored, respected, and safeguarded. Introduced by Rep. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen (R-FL) on November 13, 2001. The related bill in the Senate is S.Con.Res.28. Current status: Referred to the House Committee on International Relations on November 13, 2001. There are currently 25 co-sponsors on this resolution. S.Con.Res. 28 is the Senate bill identical to H.Con.Res.269. It is the concurrent resolution calling for a United States effort to end restrictions on the freedoms and human rights of the enclaved people in the occupied area of Cyprus. Introduced by Sen. Olympia J. Snowe (R-ME) on March 26, 2001. Current status: Placed on Senate Legislative Calendar under General Orders. Calendar No. 84. There are currently 15 co-sponsors on this resolution. H.R. 2707 Calls for a restriction of United States assistance of any kind to Turkey until Turkey uses its influence with the Turkish Cypriot leadership to achieve a settlement on Cyprus based on United Nations Security Council resolutions. Under these provisions, Turkey must work towards:
Introduced by Donald M. Payne (D-NJ) on August 1, 2001. Current status: Referred to the House Committee on International Relations on August 1, 2001. H.Con.Res. 357 Expresses the sense of Congress that the Parthenon Marbles should be returned to Greece. Sponsored by Robert E. Andrews (D-NJ). It was resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate concurring), that the Congress urges the Government of the United Kingdom to seek to enter into negotiations with the Government of Greece as soon as possible to facilitate the return of the Parthenon Marbles to Greece before the Olympics in 2004. Introduced by Donald M. Payne (D-NJ) on March 19, 2002. Current status: Referred to the House Committee on International Relations on March 19, 2002. |