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December 14, 1999

The Honorable William J. Clinton
President of the United States
The White House
Washington, D.C. 20500

Re: The Cyprus Problem

Dear Mr. President,

I had the pleasure of attending last week's Democratic National Committee gala where I had the opportunity to hear your remarks and those of Vice President Gore. At the conclusion of the evening I had the honor of exchanging a few words with you. This gave me the opportunity to thank you for your fine comments while on your visit to Athens, Greece where you described Greece as the "powerhouse of Southeast Europe." This accords precisely with the arguments advanced for years by the American Hellenic Institute that Greece is the pivotal nation in the region for U.S. interests. Your comments in Athens have validated this position.

In your address that night you highlighted the many accomplishments of your administration during the past seven years. When you spoke about your foreign policy activities, you mentioned with pride your success in Northern Ireland, and stated that next week the Israelis and Syrians will be coming to Washington for a Summit and that even the "Greeks and Turks are talking over Cyprus."

While we are encouraged that these proximity talks are taking place, we believe that active presidential involvement is vital for their success. As Vice President Gore observed in introducing you, there are certain problems that are of such importance that they can only be resolved by the President. This applies to the Cyprus problem. While our view is that the underlying issue is relatively straightforward, specifically that Turkey is the aggressor and that its aggression should not stand, the entrenched bureaucrats with the State and Defense Departments have applied a double standard on the rule of law to Turkey.

Your own interest in the Cyprus problem has been on record for some years. On October 2, 1992, you committed yourself to giving a high priority to the search for a solution to the Cyprus problem. Below is an account of what you stated:

...it is tragic that a just solution to the Cyprus problem remains elusive. Since 1974 the northern part of Cyprus has been under Turkish military occupation. The United States has a moral obligation as well as a national security interest to see that this illegal occupation of Cyprus comes to an end.

The United States and the world community will not accept the permanent division of Cyprus. The search for a just and viable solution to the Cyprus problem must be vigorously pursued. Such a Cyprus settlement should be consistent with the fundamental principles of human rights and democratic norms and practices. Accordingly, a Cyprus settlement can be just and viable only if it:

1. Provides for the withdrawal of Turkish occupation forces;
2. Satisfactorily accounts for all American and Greek Cypriots missing since 1974;
3. Provides for the rights of the refugees;
4. Ensures the sovereign independence and territorial integrity of the state; and
5. Establishes a democratic constitution which respects and guarantees the rights of both communities.

I will give the Cyprus issue a high foreign policy priority in my administration...I will press hard for a lasting solution to the tragedy of Cyprus. Such a solution will serve not only the best interests of Cyprus, but also the best interests of our allies, Greece and Turkey, and above all the best interests of the United States.

The next 12 months provide you with an important opportunity to inject a sense of reality into the search for a settlement of the Cyprus problem. In the past you have shown a readiness to become personally involved. I still recall your comments just a little over a year ago, December 3, 1998, when I was with you at the meeting of Greek American leaders at the White House, where you stated your desire to be more "personally involved" in the process to solve this issue. In our parting exchange that day, I explained to you that the issue of Cyprus comes down to a test of the fundamental principles of American values and morals. You nodded in agreement. Mr. President, one year later that is still true.

A further argument in favor of strong American involvement comes from the references in your own speech that night to our strong economy. You stated that if the people of Kosovo were not poor there would not have been a war; that if the people of Rwanda were not poor, there would not have been that tragedy.

This is also a good analogy to remember regarding the illegally occupied northern part of Cyprus. The Turkish Cypriots do not share in the wealth, prosperity and progressive development of Greek Cypriots. There is wide agreement among independent observers that a settlement would be very much in the interests of the Turkish Cypriots. They would enjoy the economic advantages of the vibrant Cypriot economy and could look forward to the full benefits when Cyprus joins the European Union.

Your public statements today highlight your personal interest in Cyprus. During your visit to Athens you rightly described once again the status quo on Cyprus as "unacceptable." While in Turkey you stated that you wished to end the "division" of Cyprus.

Mr. President, history has given you the opportunity to turn these fine words into reality. The top Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot leadership is now in New York. The EU Helsinki decision has signaled to Turkey that it can no longer hold a Cyprus settlement hostage to its own EU aspirations. The moment is auspicious for you as President to take this important matter into your hands and lend it the clarity and simplicity it truly merits. You can solve this issue before you leave office. History has given you the opportunity to do so.

I would hope that you seize this moment in history and return U.S. policy to its fundamental principles of support for the rule of law, rejection of aggression, and support for the oppressed.

MMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMRespectfully,

MMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMNicholas Larigakis
MMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMExecutive Director

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